The First Setlers Military Men
Divers Families remove from Nevis to the Island & others from England during the Usurpation
Divers Families remove from Barbadoes, Bermudas, New York and Surinam to settle in this Island
The Partisans of Monmouth transported to this Island & others take Refuge there, upon Changes of the Govermt. at Home.
Felons and Convicts prohibited by the Municipal Laws.
The diversity of Opinions & principles of the first Setlers.
Their Prudence in Extinguishing all Districtions
[img. 601, p. 69, recto] Of the Inhabitants, Masters, Servants, and Negroes, Their Number, Strength, & manner of living; as also an account of the Negores, who were many years in Rebellion, and Settled in the Mountains. together with the Treaty made with them in 1738, upon which they submitted, and became free subjects of Great Britain.
The first English Inhabitants of Jamaica were Military Men, who some years after They had taken the Island, and intirely dispossessed the Spaniards, were disbanded, and having lands divided amongst them setled there; and from them are descended several of the Oldest Families now in the Island.
In 1657 Colo. Stokes with 1400 Whites and Blacks came down from Nevis; and many Persons, who were uneasy at home in Olivers time, and during the Rump Parliament, thought it a proper place to Retire to; as well as others who were Busy & Active in those distracted times, and went over after the Restoration of King Charles the Second, particularly the Sons of President Bradshaw and Commissioner Axtell, whose Families are now Extinct.
In 1664 many Planters & others removed from Barbadoes and Bermudas, upon the Encouragement that was given by the Crown to Persons to go over and settle there: and when Surinam was Exchanged for New York, most of the English Inhabitants likewise removed from that Country to Jamaica and setled Contiguously according to Their own desire in [img. 602, p. 2, verso] St. Elizabeths.
Monmouths Rebellion furnished this Island with a great number of those deluded People, who were engaged in his Interest: and the unhappy Reign of King James the Second, as well as the Revolution, brought over many others, who thought themselves not safe at Home upon those changes in the Goverment.
But Felons and Convicts were always prohibited, as far as lay in Their power, by imposing a heavy Duty on them; so that I never heard of above 200 that were imported there; and in less than 12 Months not 20 of them Remained on the Island. some of them returned to England, many went and joined the Pyrates, and some escaped to Cuba; where the Spaniard openly received Them with the Negroes & other Effects, which They had Stolen and carried with them, and permitted them to settle there with impunity.
Notwithstanding the diversity of Opinions, and Principles of those several Classes of People. They wisely buried in Oblivion all former Distinctions, and never upbraided one another with the part they had acted at home, though they seemed to be more particularly attached to those who were engaged in the same Interest.
It would have been happy for Their Successors had They always acted with the same Prudence in other Respects and not suffered themselves to be divided, as They often have been, by little Emulations, private piques, or the Interest of Governours; from whence have flowed numberless Evils, & the general Interest of the Country has been greatly prejudiced and obstructed; for by those means the Island [img. 603, p. 69/3, recto] has often been inflamed, and divided into Factions, Artfull & designing Men have made Advantages, & Their Enemies had an Opportunity of misrepresenting them to the Government at Home. And Indeed it is not strange that the Ministry have often been perplexed and under great difficulties, how to Reconcile and compose those differences, considering the distance of the place, and the Contradictory Representations made to them by the Contending Parties.
The Inhabitants in general
The Inhabitants of this Island are Ranked in these four Orders, Vizt. Masters who are English, Scots, and Irish, & some Portuguese Jews; White Servants; Free Negroes, and Mulattos; and Negro Slaves. And the Masters may be divided into these two Classes, Merchants or Trading People and Planters.
Merchants and Tradesmen
The method & manner of Carrying on Business.
The Necessity of removing some bad Customs lately introduced.
Past Officers oblig’d to give Their Attendance at Stated Hours
Wharfengers obliged to keep a Register of all Goods landed of Shiped off.
Some Inconveniencies which attend the Trade of this Island.
The Merchants and Tradesmen, reside in the Towns and carry on Their several Professions in the same Manner they do in England; some of them have Plantations or Country Houses; but in general they are looked upon as transient people, or Sojourners; because they remove to Great Britain, or other Parts of the British Dominions, when they have acquired Estates, or what They think sufficient to maintain Them there.
The method & manner of carrying on business Here is much easier in some Respects than in London, and other Parts of Great Britain, especially with regard to Entring & clearing of Ships & goods, which is attended with much less trouble and Expence, But some Innovations, & bad Customs have lately been Introduced and tolerated, Notwithstanding the Laws for Regulating the Publick Offices, and for ascertaining and Establishing their Fees;
These Innovations require the speedy Notice & Consideration [img. 604, p. 4, verso] of the Legislature, of they will become grievous & Burthensome to the Planting as well as the Trading Interest.
The Port Officers are obliged, under the penalty of Twenty Pounds for every defaulted to give their Attendance in their Respective Offices from 9 to 11 in the forenoon, and from two to four in the afternoon, Sundays and Hollidays excepted; and their Books are open to all Persons, who have the liberty of searching or inspecting the same, paying fifteen pence fee, which is about 10 pence Sterling.
And all Persons keeping Publick Wharfs, are obliged under the penalty of ten pounds for every default, to keep a Book, wherein is fairly Enter’d the marks & numbers of all such Goods as are landed on his or their Wharf, also the weights of Sugars and other produce of this Island, bought and sold, or shiped, off with the Names of the Person or Persons by whom such Goods were landed, bought and sold or shipped off and also to take a Receipt of the Persons to where the said Goods are delivered.
The greatest inconvenience that attends the Trade of this Island, and is often the cause of great Reproach, is the difficulty of recovering of Debts; which in a great measure may be attributed to the unfair Practices of the Deputy Marshals, and other Officers belonging to the Provost Marshal of High Sheriff: for these is often as much trouble to get a Debt from them, after they have received it, as there was to recover it from the Debtor. This and some other abuses of the like Nature, also require the Notice and consideration of the Legislature; for nothing will tend more to the Interest, as well as the Honour of the Island than to Establish Publick and private Credit, and put them on a proper Basis or foundation.
Planters
Their Hospitality
The Anxious & Laborious life of a Planter.
[img. 605, p. 70, recto] The Planters live upon their Estates; and seldom come to Town; except those that are near St. Jago delavega; where many of them have Houses, and often reside when the Crop or Planting Season is over; for at those times the Masters Eye is highly necessary.
It must in justice and Honour to Them be observed, there is not more Hospitality, nor a more generous freedom shown to Strangers in any part of the World; for any Persons, who appears like a Gentleman, and behaves himself well, is sure of a Welcome to their Houses, and the best Entertainment they can afford. Those, who go over with a wounded or Ruined Fortune, are received with great Humanity, and good Manners, without any scorn or Insult from the Rich to the Poor: but on the contrary a Generous Friendship, and a ready disposition to assist Them in retreiving Their Circumstances, and more especially those who are Soberly inclined, Industrious, & deserving of Notice. A Man may travel from one part of the Country to another, and ever round the Island with very little, if any Expence for there being very few Publick Houses, but in the Towns.
He may with freedom go and dine, or lodge at the next Planters Houses; and Persons of low Rank and Condition, are as cheerfully received and entertained by their Servants. In fine however they have been Represented, I don’t know a more Industrious, usefull and beneficial Society to the Nation, than they are; which will appear by the Advantages arising from this Island through their Care, and Industry and are more particularly set forth in the 8 & 10 Chap: as well as the Opinion and Testimony of Sr. Josiah Child who declared that one person in the plantations gave [img. 606, p. 6, verso] Employment to five at Home. which will not appear improbable, when its considered what a great Number of Seamen Manufactures Labours &ca. are daily Employed by means of the Trade to and from the Plantations. It therefore only Remains, to shew the Care, Frugality and painfull manner of living of the Planters; which will remove the false notions that have been instilled of their Extravagance, Luxury & Immorality.
The life of a Planter, is attended with great Anxiety & trouble, for he is obliged not only to be up Early, and ride about his Plantation great part of the day, in the scorching heat of the Sun; but to have a constant Eye over his Servants and Negroes, And it requires great thought, Temper & discretion to order & manage Them. There dispositions being as different as their several Countries, or Nations: and many quarrels, & Controversies often arise amongs’t them, which are heard and determined in every Plantation, by the Master or Owner, and in his Absence the Overseer, who has an absolute Authority of Them. Life and Limb Excepted.
Their Common Dress and manner of living.
The Conveniences of the Planters of the Island with regard to the Necessaries of Life.
The Planters Dress is generally a Waistcoat; and breeches made of Ornabrigs, which is a Course German Linnen: a Frock made of the same, or of Fustain, light Duroy, or some other English Manufacture. They have indeed a Dress suit that is better and Genteeler, to appear in, when they go to Town or upon Extraordinary Occasions: but very few have more than one such Suit at a time, and that commonly serves Them three or four Years. They are as I have observed, Hospitable to Strangers; and upon such Occasions or when they expect their Friends and Neighbours to Visit Them, They make the best Appearance they can; and sometimes perhaps [img. 607, p. 71, recto] exceed what is necessary, or may reasonably be expected; from whence in some measure arises the notion of their Luxury and Extravigance, without considering Their common, and Ordinary manner of living, which is generally upon Irish Provisions, or such as They raise within Themselves; and their Drink small Rum Punch, made of Their own Sugar unrefined, for tho’ most of them keep Madeira Wine by Them, and some of Them other sorts of liquors, yet these they seldome use, but upon the Occasions before mentioned.
Nevertheless some of Them constantly live in a generous genteel manner: and if They are clear of incumbrances and can afford it, They are rather to be commended than Reproached on that Account. Nor is the Expence of Housekeeping to any of Them, so great as is imagined, having most necessaries within Themselves, like the Country Gentlemen in England and with a Provident Care, They might raise all sorts of Provisions for Their Servants, as well as Themselves, and not be under the necessity of purchasing salted Provisions from Ireland and North America. But I cannot commend Their good Husbandry in that Respect, because they are therein wanting to Their own Interest, as a great Expence might thereby be saved.
Planters unjustly Reproached
As to the Immorality, and Profligate manner of living the Planters and other Inhabitants are charged with, I know no just Reason to distinguish Them from the rest of Mankind, Nor did I ever see, or hear of such abandoned lewdness as is commonly practiced in London, and other Sea Port Towns, I would not from hence be thought to insinuate, that none of Them are Vicious, profligate or Extravagant, nor to justify those that are; but I can with truth Affirm, that in general I have [img. 608, p. 8, Verso] impartially delineated them, and without favour or Affection. In all Countries, and in all Societies, there are undoubtedly good as well as bad Men, and though it must be confessed, that there are loose and Wicked Persons in Jamaica; yet I may venture to assert, from my own knowledge & Experience, there are amongst Them many Persons of great Honour & Virtue.
Diversions
Their manner of Educating Children
The Inconveniences attend’g the Education of Children born in this Island in England
The Women Natives of the Island in general frugal Wives & tender Mothers.
Their common and Ordinary Diversions, are Dancing, Horse Racing, Fishing, Fowling, Cards, back Gammon, and Billiards. The former might perhaps be thought too Violent an Exercise in a hot Country, but as they choose the coolest part of the day, from 7 in the Evening to 11 or 12 at Night, and are carefull in not going too soon into the open Air, very Seldom any inconveniency or prejudice to their health arises from thence.
And here it may not be improper to observe the manner and method of the Planters Educating Their Children; as it will naturally point, and probably convince Them of some mistakes in that Respects. The Boys are sent to England at 5 or 6 years of Age, to Their Agents or Factors, & placed out in some private or Publick School; and some of Them sent afterwards to one of the Universities, or according to the Custom of their Mother Country to France, Italy and other Parts; where they acquire little more, than the Foppish Sins, and Ridiculous Customs of those Countries. The Girls are generally bred at home, and brought up under Their Mothers, who are carefull to Instruct Them very early in Needle Work, and good Housewifery, as soon, if not before They are taught Musick, Dancing, & other Accomplishments.
Were the Planters truely sensible of the prejudices, and disadvantages, that attend the sending Their Children [img. 609, p. 72/9, recto] over to be Educated and to pass so much of Their time here and in other Parts of Europe. I am perswaded They would take some other Method, by giving due and Reasonable Encouragement to Men of Ability and Virtue, to settle amongst Them, and set up Schools and Nurseries of Learning. And that it is Practicable to give Their Children a very good Education in the Island, and equal to most or any that have been in England, several Instances may be given of Gentlemen who never were off the Island, and yet are as well Instructed in Grammar, and other usefull parts of Learning, make as good a Figure in Conversation, and in Publick Stations, as well as in the Conduct & management of Their private Affairs as any in the Island.
To point out all the Objections which may be made to this Custom, may, however Reasonable and just, be thought invidious; therefore shall leave it to Themselves to consider & Improve what I have hinted at; and shall only observe that this Custom generally Allienates the Childrens Affections from Their Parents as well as from the Country; and this in my Opinion, was there no other, is a Cogent & Sufficient Objection many of Them, upon Their return to the Island know neither Their Father nor Mother; and bring over the Habits, Customs & Constitutions of Europeans, improper for the Climate; and wch. Renders Them unfit to go through the hardships & fatigues of a Planter. Besides They Contract such a task of the pleasures and luxury of England, that They cannot reconcile Themselves to any other manner of living, and when They get Possession of Their Paternal Estates, leave Them to the management of Their Agents, & Overseers; and thro’ Their neglect of mismanagement (for how can it be Expected that a Plantation can be so well managed & improved, as by the Owner or Proprietor) and Their Expensive way of living in England [img. 610, p. 10, verso] They become involved, & in a few years are Ruined & undone. This, however is not always the Case, for some of the Gentlemen Educated in this way have turned out well & done Honour to Their Country, but it is too often otherwise and the Imputation of Luxury and Extravagance, which the Planters in general are loaded with, is I conceive in a great degree owing to the Conduct and behaviour of some of these Gentlemen in England.
In regard to Truth & Justice I must likewise observe that the Women Born & Educated in the Island, generally prove good & make Discreet frugal Wives & Tender Mothers. They are Abstentious, living Chiefly upon Chocolate, Tea, Fruits and ground Provisions; and few of Them, from the highest to the lowest, will touch any Spiritous liquors; Their common Drink being Water, or a little Madeira Wine mixed: and They are generally extreamly Neat. They are mostly Tall, Streight & well Shaped; for I never saw above two or three, that were awry; and They are also well featured, but pale; though some of Them have the Advantage of Colour. The Principal if not the only object to Their Conduct, is in some measure excusable; because it is a Natural foible; and that is an over fondness for Their Children, which makes it absolutely necessary, for the Boys to be removed some distance from Them: tho’ even this may be done in the Island.
Seamen
Seamen were formerly very Numerous, Especially in War time, and when They had a flourishing Trade. In my Memory there were not less than 3000 such Men on the Island, but Their number is very much diminished, since the Settlement of the Assiento Contract, and the South Sea Company, which deprived Them of all, or the greatest part of a very beneficial Commerce; and have been of infinite prejudice [img. 611, p. 73/11, recto] to the Island, a loss to the Proprietors, and all things considered of no manner of Advantage to the Nation.
Nevertheless the Advantageous Situation of this Island will constantly draw a Concourse of those People from all Parts in time of War with France or Spain, particularly for the Service of our Privateers, as wee have Experienced in the present War, notwithstanding the discouragement They are under by being sometimes pressed by His Majesty’s Ships; or They would be more numerous and Serviceable than They have lately been.
Jews
The Advantages & disadvantages of the Jews Considered
The Sentiments & Dispositions of the Jews with regard to those People.
The prejudices & discouragemt. They are of[?] to poor Christian Families.
The imputation They lay under with regard to their Correspondance with the Spaniards.
As to the Jews They are mostly Portoguese; and among Themselves speak no other Language. They chiefly reside in the Three great Towns, and have a Synagogue in each of Them; tho’ many of Them are scattered about in the Country Villages, where They keep Shops, and furnish the Planters, as well as the Negroes, with many Necessaries. They are at least 8 or 900 in Number, Men, Women & Children. But notwithstanding They are allowed to Purchase Lands, and other great Priviledges, Yet very few have any Notion of Planting; so that They have not amongst Them all more than 8 or 10 Plantations of which 3 or 4 are Sugar works; tho’ great part of the Houses and Ware houses at Port Royal, and Kingston belong to The. Several of Them are Rich, and Trade Considerably upon Their own Accts. as well as on Commission for the Merchants of Their own Nation in London; and like some of Them, are Men of Probity, Exact & punctual in Their dealings. Their Industry Moderation, and Occonomy, may serve as Patterns to other Inhabitants and others; And it would conduce to the Preservation of Their Healths, as well as Their Interest if they would likewise Imitate Them in Temperance, and Their regular manner [img. 612, p. 12, verso] of living.
I have often considered the Advantages, and disadvantages which Accrue to the Island, from that Nation or People in general, and upon the whole I cannot perceive the Policy of our Ancestors, in giving Them so much Encouragement, or our own in the Continuance of it, or even in permitting Them to remain on the Island; some of Them as I have observed, are indeed Men of Probity, and Virtue, as well as Substance, but the generality of Them Trade & subsist on Credit, and have so many little Roguish tricks as are detrimental to the Country They live in, & a Scandall & Reproach to Their own Nation. It is well known, that they Corrupt the Negroes, and encour[age] Them to steal, by receiving, concealing & purchasing stolen goods of Them; and it is a common Custom amongst Them to purchase Houses, which are not subject to the payment of Debts (to the great discredit of the Island) to screen Them from Arests, and to make a provision for Their family; so that when They die, Their Creditors are generally defrauded of great part if not all Their Debts.
The Negroes who are under the necessity of dealing with Them, often detect Them (as well as others) in false Weights and measure; and as They are frequently imposed upon by these, and other Vile Practices, They have conceived so implacable a prejudice to the Jews, that were They not protected by our Laws, the Negroes would soon Root Them out of the Island. It is an Observation among the Negroes, that all other People even Themselves have a King or a Country or both, but the Jews have neither, which puts Them often on enquiring from whence they came, and who They [img. 613, p. 74/13, recto] are? And the Information that is given Them, seems not only to puzzle & surprise Them, but to raise Their Indignation & Contempt.
It is likewise to be considered, that those People deprive many poor Christian Families of Subsistance, by supplanting Them in Business, who would be much more usefull to the Community than They are: the Jews do not serve on Juries, nor upon many other Publick occasions, nor indeed is it reasonable that They should; and very little Service can be expected of Them in case of an Invasion or Insurrection as Twenty Resolute Fellows will drive five hundred before Them. What use or advantage are They then of, to an Island that wants Inhabitants to Improve or defend it? They earn the Bread of others who would be more usefull and of more service upon those Emergent occasions when these People will rather be a prejudice; as a Dastardly few may, and sometimes do strike a damp even on Men of Courage and Resolution.
Nor are these all the Objections that are commonly made to Them, for They have often been suspected, of holding a Correspondance and giving Intelligence to the Spaniards These Circumstances are worth the Notice and Consideration of the Legislature, that some Effectual measures may be taken to remedy those Inconveniencies, and to render those People more usefull and less Noxious.
Servants
Conditions of This Servitude
Their Intemperance & the Malpractices of most of Them.
Industrious Servts. Encouraged.
Encouragement for all sorts of People to become Setlers.
Laws relating to Servants.
Time of Servitude
Suits between Masrs. of Servts. to be determined by two Justices of the Peace.
Penalty on Masters turning away Servants when sick.
No Servant to be whipped Naked.
Servts. allowance or Provisions.
Servts. Allowance of Cloaths.
Differences between Masters & Servants to be Decided by two Justices.
The Clause incerted in favr. of Servants.
The Disabilities of Common Servts.
Proper methods to be taken for setling the Island.
The English improper to settle New Colonies.
The Welch more able to Sustain Hardships & Fatigues. Also Scots & Protestant Swiss.
The Irish chiefly to be excepted.
Several Laws for the Encouraging the Settlement of the Island.
Servants are generally Indentured, as Carpenters, Bricklayers Coopers Smiths &ca. and many are of no Trade or Profession or meer Country Fellows. The latter are imployed as Drivers, as They are called, that is in looking after the Negroes at work in Overseeing the Boiling of Sugars which is no hard Service, and much less trouble and [img. 614, p. 14, verso] fatigue than the day labourers in England undergo.
When Indentured Servants go over, it is Customary for the Masters to pay Their passages, to provide Them with Tools, to advance one Quarters Wages, and to find Them with Lodging & Board during the Contract. Tradesmen are allowed from 15 to £30 p ann: according to Their Abilities; those that have no Trades from 5 to £10 p ann: and many Nothing but Board Lodging & Cloaths.
The generality of Them take to drinking strong Rum Punch, or Rum unmixed which destroys many of Them or impairs Their Healths. some desert Their Masters Services, & make Their Escape out of the Island, without serving Their time; and others Combine with the Negroes, who often Ensnare and draw Them in to betray Their Trust. Those that are Stupid, Roguish or Sottish, are severely treated; and, what is Their great misfortune, few will Employ Them, when Their Contract is Expired: so that They generally remain in a low Abject State all the remainder of Their lives.
But such as are Sober Honest & Industrious, meet with due Encouragement, are well used, and find the benefit of such behaviour when Their Contract is expired. I know several that are now Masters of Families, live in good Credit, and by Their Industry have raised Considerable Fortunes. This ought to warn & admonish all that go over in these Circumstances how They demean Themselves, and to behave in such a manner as will most effectually recommend Them to the good Graces of Their Masters, and the notice of the World.
Indeed there is no Encouragement wanting to People of all Professions, who are carefull to recommend Themselves [img. 616, p. 75/15, recto] by Their Sobriety, Industry & discreet behaviour; as many have happily Experienced. Nor need any apprehend want or an Opportunity of Advancing Themselves, but the Slothfull & intemperate, or such as have no Regard to Their own Private Character, and Interest. I don’t remember to have seen in all the time I resided in the Island, which was upwards of Twenty Years, one Person begging in the Streets, except some Prisoners in time of War, and now and then a poor old or decrepit free Negro; which is a sufficient proof of what I have Asserted.
There are several Municipall Laws relating to Servants & it will not be improper to transcribe a few heads of some of Them. Because it will manifest the Justice & Care of the Legislature; tho’ as an impartial Writer, I must observe, that those and many other Excellent Laws, are not always duely and truely Executed.
By a Law intitled an Act for Regulating Servants; it is enacted as follows:
All Servants are to serve according to Their Contract, & Indenture, and where there is not Contract or Indenture, Servants under 18 years of Age, at Their Arrival in the Island shall serve seven years; and above 18 years shall serve 4 years.
All Suits between Servants and Their Masters or Mistresses, relating to Their freedom shall be heard & Determined by any two Justices of the Peace without Appeal; and if any Servants absent Themselves from Their Masters or Mistresses Service without leave, They shall for every days absence serve one week, and so in proposition for a longer or shorter time, the whole time not to exceed three Years.
[img. 616, p. 16, verso] If any Person shall turn away a sick or infirm Servant under pretence of Freedom or otherwise; and such Servant shall die for want of Relief, or become chargeable to any Parish, the Offender shall forfiet [forfeit] Twenty Pounds to the use of the Parish, where such Death or Charge shall happen.
That no Servant be whipped Naked without order of a Justice of the Peace, on Penalty of five pounds.
Whosoever shall not give to each White Servant weekly four Pounds of good Flesh or 4 pounds of good Fish, together with Convenient Plantation Provisions, as may be sufficient, shall forfiet [forfeit] to the Party injured ten Shillings for every offence.
And whosoever shall not yearly give to each Servant Man three Shirts, three pair of Drawers, three pair of Shoes three pair of Stockings, and one Hat or Cap; and the Women proportionably, shall forfiet [forfeit] to the part injured forty Shillings.
And by a subsequent Act, it is Enacted that all differences hereafter to arise, between Masters, and Servants hired contracted or Indentured (overseers of Sugar Works or Sugar Planters Excepted) shall be fully heard & determined, before any two Justices of the Parish or Precinct where any such difference shall happen to Arise, without Appeal; altho’ the Sum determined or Adjudged shall exceed Twenty pounds, or any other Sum whatever.
This last Clause is more particularly, and Evidently in favr. of Servants, who it cannot be supposed were able to Contest or go to the Law with their Masters for Wages; or upon any other occasion, where They are injured or aggreived; and therefore this easy Remedy is provided & to save, Them that Expence & trouble.
Margin: Mistakes in peopling the Island.
And here it will not be improper to observe that it is a mistaken notion in the Planters to imagine, They will ever [img. 617, p. 76/17, recto] be able to Settle and strengthen the Island with such Persons as are obliged to leave Their own Country for Debt, or some misbehaviour, tho’ neither convicts nor Fellons, many of Them as I have observed, Run away from Their Masters soon after Their Arrival and return to England; Others take to Drinking, and by that means impair Their Healths, & shorten Their days; and very few serve out Their time or have any notion or thought of Advancing Themselves, notwithstanding the great Encouragement given Them.
They whose Servitude renders Their Liberty little more than Nominal, and such as have no property, may sometimes fight, tho’ They are not always to be depended on; for it cannot reasonably be supposed that They will have the same Spirits, or Arm with the same generous Ardour, as those who act in defence of Their Liberty & Property, which is the Principal Motive of the Island any Instances to Evince the truth of this Position; let Them only reflect on the Conduct and behaviour of the Parties that were fitted out from time to time to pursue and Reduce the Negroes in the Mountains, before They submitted; and this will convince Them, that such Persons are not to be depended on upon the like Occasions; & that there is a necessity of taking some other measures, to People & Strengthen the Island.
The most likely means will be to introduce poor Families, & give Them due & reasonable Encouragement. And for this purpose, the first steps to be taken in my Opinion will be to Reduce the price of Provisions by taking proper measures to make Them plenty and Cheap; for unless this be done it will be in vain to think of Peopleing the Island.
[img. 618, p. 18, verso] And another proper method will be to import Boys & Girls that about ten or twelve years of Age, who have not contracted any ill habits nor Entered into any kind of Debauchery; for they will soon be inured to the Country, and the Climate become as Habitual to Them, as to the Natives.
But of all Countries, England is the most improper to furnish Colonies or Infant Settlements, with Inhabitants, the people being Accustomed to great plenty, and not inured to the hardships many other Parts are subject to, and which They must expect to Encounter when they go abroad.
The Welch are certainly the properest, and the most unexceptionable, especially in our Sugar Islands; because They are used to hard living, & a Mountainous Country, and are unacquainted with the vice & Debauchery of other Nations: & next to Them Scotch, and Protestant Swiss Families.
But the Irish are by all means to be avoided, as the common people are mostly Papists, and Naturally attached to the Spaniards.
There are indeed several good & sufficient Laws in force, to Encourage People to go over and Settle in the Island, tho’ I am sorry to observe that They are not always regarded as They ought to be nor duly put in Execution, according to the meaning & intention of the Legislature; but often Evaded & perverted, private Interest and Advantage, being Considered & preferred to the General good of the Country, by those who are intrusted with the Execution of Them.
Free Mulatto’s, Indians & Negroes
Free Mulattos.
Free Indians.
The Laws relating to Free Mulattos, Indians & Negroes.
Free Mulatto’s &ca. wear a Badge of a blue Cross on the Right Shoulder.
The other Inhabitants of Jamaica are Mulatos, Indians, & Negroes of which 2000 are Free, besides those in the Mountains; some obtained Their freedom by Their fidelity and good Services to Their Masters and others by distinguishing [img. 619, p. 77/19, recto] Themselves when the Island was Invaded by the French in 1693, or in some Expeditions against the Rebellious Negroes; Their liberty having been granted Them by Their Masters, or purchased at the Publick Expence for Their good Service: & some are Descended from those who were active and usefull on those Occasions.
The Mulattos are a mixed Breed, between Whites and Blacks, and are a very unhappy Race of People, being despised by one and hated by the other: They are hardy but in general slow and Idle.
The Indians are brought from the Continent, and not Natives of the Island; none of Them remaining when the Island was taken from the Spaniards. They are of a Meek, mild Temper, and must be gently treated, or They will pine away & die, as They are not accustomed to hard labour. There are very few in the Island, & those Seldom employed any other way than in Fishing, which They delight, and are very Expert, which makes Them usefull to the Planters, who are near the Sea Coast or large Rivers.
By the laws of the Island, Free Negroes & Mulatto’s for all offences Capitall or Criminal are to be tried & adjudged after the same method and manner that Negroe Slaves are directed to be tried; that is by two Justices and three freeholders, who are sworne to Judge uprightly and according to Evidence; and the Evidence of a Slave against Them shall be good & Valid.
That every free Negroe, Mulatto or Indian, not having a settlement of ten Negroes thereon, shall furnish Him or Herself with a Certificate of His or Her being Free, under the hand & Seal of any Justice of the Peace, and shall wear a Publick Badge of a Blue Cross upon the Right Shoulder to denote the same.
Negro Slaves
The Chief Security of this Island agst. a general Insurrection.
The Negroes not allow’d to keep Arms or dangerous Weapons
Precaution to prevent Conspiracies or disorders
Regular Forces and Troopers an Awe & Terrour on Them.
The Security of the Inhabitants in regard to Roberies.
The Negro Slaves are very Numerous there being [img. 620, p. 20, verso] at least one hundred Thousand in the Island, Men, Women & Children which being far Superior to the White People, the Planters are by Law obliged to keep one white Man to thirty Negroes; or in case of a Deficiency to pay the Penal Sum of £13:6:8 p Annum, and in proportion for a greater or lesser Number, so great a Superiority one would think should render it exceeding Dangerous and unsafe living amongst Them. But the Security of the White People is under Providence owing to the Laws for the good Order & Government of Slaves; and their being brought from several parts of Guinea, which are different in language, and Customs, consequently They cannot converse freely, nor confide in each other. And those of different Country, have as great and Natural an Antipathy to each other, as any two Nations in the World; so that They are under Mutual Apprehensions of falling into Subjection one of the other, should They shake of the Yoke of the English; which makes Them easy, and have no thoughts of attempting it. Beside the Men of War that are Continually coming and going gives Them an Idea of the Strength & Power of the English Nation, & Strikes an Awe and Terrour into Them.
But the chief Security of Jamaica against any general Insurrection of the Negroes, is the great Extent of the Country, separated by the Woods and Mountains, difficult of Access; the Plantations lying at a great distance from each other so that the Negroes can have no communication together, or if They had, it would be almost impossible, They should join to Execute Their Designs. This Natural Security distinguishes this Island from all other British Sugar Islands. For in the latter, notwithstanding They have every other Security. [img. 621, p. 78/21, recto] I have mentioned, but extent of Country, general Conspiracies have been formed and some times with great probability of Success. But I never heard that this Island was at any time in the like danger; tho’ Their friends in the Mountains were not wanting to promote and encourage such a design.
None of the Negroe Slaves are allowed to keep Arms or dangerous Weapons in Their Houses; nor suffered to go out of the Plantation They belong to, without a Certificate from the Master, or Overseer, Expressing the Time He has leave to be Absent, and upon what Occasion; nevertheless this is sometimes winked at, and not strictly put in Execution.
However Guards are constantly kept on Sundays & Hollidays: and the Troops of Horse in the several Parishes, or Precincts, are obliged to Patrol in Their Respective Divisions, to prevent Conspiracies or disorders amongst the Negroes; who generally assemble together at those times, get drunk and quarrel among Themselves, and sometimes in Their drink grow turbulent, & even Mutinous, if They are not timely dispersed.
When They see the White People Muster or Exercise, especially in the Regular Forces, and Troops of Horse, it strikes an Awe and terrour into Them; and They will shunt a person cloathed in Red either on Foot or on Horseback; for which reason some Gentleman put on a Coat of that Colour, when They Travell: tho’ the Negroes seldom Rob or disturb any Person on the High way, nor Attempt to Steal any thing, but Money, Provisions or ordinary Cloathing such as They usually wear, being sensible that Their having any thing else in Their possession would betray Them.
And for this Reason the Planters as well as those in the Towns live in greater security in that Respect, than [img. 622, p. 22, verso] People do in England; for it is very common to leave Their Windows, even on the ground Floor open all Night.
Creole or Native Negroes
The Tractable Genius of the Creole Negroes.
But the Creole Negroes or those born in the Country are so far from being under the like Apprehensions of a Muster, that They are familiar with it; and many of Them can Exercise and make use of Fire Arms as well as the Militia, wch. is as good as any in the World, tho’ not so well Disciplined as formerly.
These Creole Negroes speak very good English, especially such as are brought up in the Towns or in Gentlemens Houses; and have so good & tractable a Genius, that They are easily Instructed in most Mechanical Trades, and to be usefull in many other Respects. They look upon Themselves to be as much above the Salt Water Negroes, as They call Them or those that are brought from Guinea, as the Gentry think Themselves above the Commonalty in England; and will seldom keep any of Them Company.
Divers Country Negro’s
Whidah
Difft. Countries of the Gold Coast Negs.
Fractious & Turbulent in their Nature.
The Negroes brought from Guinea are of more than 20 different Countries, or Nations; but those that are most Esteemed are from Whidah, the Gold Coast, and Angola.
The Whidahs are very justly preferred to all others; because They are more manageable, Accustomed to labour, & hard living in Their own Country; and They are of so chearfull a disposition that They generally Sing or Whistle at the hardest Work. They are put to; insomuch that it is common amongst Them when Twenty or more are at Work in the Field, to be singing in Parts or together so that They are often heard at a Considerable distance.
The Gold Coast Negroes, tho’ They generally go under the denomination of Coromantees, are of different Provinces [img. 623, p.79/23, recto] or Clans; and not under the same Prince or chief; nor do They speak the same language. Of Those the Coromantines, Fanteens, Shantees, Achims, are mostly Esteemed; the others which are generally brought from the Windward part of the Coast, or the Inland Countries are not equal to Them in any Respect; because the former are more accustomed to labour and hard living in Their own Country; where Their Common Food is Maiz or Corn, Plantains, Yams and other ground Provisions. They have indeed some Cattle Sheep and Horses which They dispose of to the Europeans who come There to Trade, and to the Factories, but seldom kill any for Their own use; and seem very much surprized upon Their first Arrival, when They see those Creatures at work in the Mills, Coaches or Carts.
They are most of Them, particularly the Coromantines ingenious, and when They are Young easily taught any Science or Mechanick Art; Remarkable for White Teeth of which They are Extreme carefull; and so neat & cleanly in other respects that the first thing They do after They have done work, is to wash Themselves all over.
But They are Fractious, and in Their Nature Deceitfull, Revengefull & blood thirsty, & require a stricter hand being kept over Them, than those of any other Country; for which reason every prudent Planter is cautious of having too many of Them in his Plantation; and therefore the common Custom is to mix other Countries with Them, for there never was as I have heard of in this or any other Colony, any Plot or Conspiracy, but they were at the bottom of it.
The Angola’s are likewise used to labour, but the Reason of Their not being so much Esteemed by the Planters [img. 624, p. 24, verso] as the others, is Their having been accustomed to Eat flesh in Their own Country, which They cannot affoard Them; tho’ They are not very delicate or nice in Their Choice, for a Dog is as acceptable to Them as a Pig, provided He is fat.
This Country Negroes are therefore generally brought up to Trades: or to go in Sloops, Cannoes & Wherries as Watermen; where a better subsistence can be allowed Them than in Plantations.
To enter into a Particular Description of all the other Nations of Negroes brought to this Island would be tedious and unnecessary: nor indeed will I pretend to it there being so many, and some of Them, especially those brought from the Inland Parts of Guinea, are so strangely stupid and Ignorant, that They cannot give any Account of Themselves. They seem to have no thought or Notion of any thing more than satisfying the present wants of Nature; and would spend the rest of Their time if They were indulged in sleeping. Some are so senseless as to imagine, the White People have no other intention in bring Them from Their own Country, than to Eat Them; and this notion causes Them to Pine, and take to eating of Dirt, or using other means to make away with Themselves.
The Coromantines easily taught any Art or Science
The Angola’s
The Angolas proper for handicraftsmen or Seamen.
The Stupidity of the Negroes brought from the Inland parts of Guinea.
The manner of Subsisting & providing for the Negroes.
The Buildings
Their fondness for Dogs.
Times of Recess and Diversion
Their manner of Dancing
Their Instruments of Musick
The Negroes of a Natural Gloomy Countenance
Their manner of Composing Songs
Their Entertainments
Their Vices & Passions.
Their Marriages
Polygamy allowed
The Necessity of a Vigilant Eye & a Strict hand over Them.
Fidelity of some Negroes.
The faithfull Services of Negroes duely rewarded.
Their Aversion to Changing of Masrs. & removing from one place to Another.
Their Attachment to Their first Masters.
The Planter generally buys Eight or Ten at a time according as He is furnished with Provisions, or His Occasions require; and the Custom is to give to each man and His Wife a piece of Ground; which They are told, They must Cultivate & improve for Themselves as fast as They can; because Their Master is to subsist Them for 6 Months only; but after the Expiration of that term They must provide for Themselves an Industrious Negro out of the land allotted Him, will [img. 625, p. 80/24, recto] not only be able to raise as many Plantains, Yams Potatoes & other ground Provision, and also Hogs & Dung hill Fowls (wch. He is allowed to keep) as will be sufficient for Himself and Family; but to sell enough to purchase better Cloathing, than He is annually furnished with by His Master; and likewise Salted Beef, Pork, Fish and other necessaries; nay some of Them that are frugal as well as Industrious, will lay up Money beside; which They are carefull to keep from the knowledge of Their Masters, tho’ the few or none of Them, I believe would be so unjust as to deprive Them of it. However They generally hide Their Wealth in some private place in the Earth so that if They happen to die suddenly, or insensible the Money is often lost. They being extreame carefull to conceal the Place even from those of Their own Family.
Their Houses are built low and Snug Covered with Thatch, after Their Country manner, the principall Parts being fixed in the ground 3 feet or more, the sides, ends, & partitions lined with Watles, a kind of laths neatly plaistered with Mud, and a little lime mixed, some without. They are commonly about 24 feet in length 8 or 9 feet in breadth & 5 ½ or 6 feet in heigth. They have no Windows only small loop Holes on each side to distinguish the day from the Night, and to look out when They apprehend any danger; and Their doors are made so low that a middle size man must stoop to go in.
This Building is divided into Three apartments, at one end is His Chamber, the middle part is His Hall or dining Room at the other end He keeps His Poultry, and it is likewise a kind of Store Room. They have all of Them a Door in the Front, and another in the back part, in order to escape any danger. Many of Them are kept very Neat and [img. 626, p. 26, verso] clean, but They all smell very strong of smoak by reason of the Constant fires They keep in the day as well as in the Night and not having Chimneys to carry it off.
They are extremely fond of Dogs, by reason of Their Watchfullness, and giving notice of any disturbance or Danger so that very few of Them are without one or two, if They can procure Them.
On Sunday Mornings They are allowed to bring Their Provisions to Town, and sell Them in the Market; but They are obliged to remove at 9 oClock, or before Divine Service begins: and on Sunday’s and Hollidays in the Evenings, as well as in Moon light Nights, after They have done Work, They Assemble, Dance, Sing or Play together.
In Dancing the Men as well as the Women, keep very good time, tho’ in other respects Their Parts consist of little more, than shewing Postures, and an Agility of Body. But the Women have a great Variety of Steps, and are more decent & modest in Their manner & behaviour.
Their Instruments of Musick are very Noisy, and have no manner of Harmony, except the Merry Wang; which has a Bridge with 4 Strings and is played upon in the same manner as the Guittar. It is far from being disagreeable, when it is in a good hand; and I have heard Minuits and other English Tunes played thereon, so distinctively, and with so good time as might Serve European Dancers upon Occasion.
The Negroes in general have a Natural gloomy Countenance & seldom look Cheerful or pleased; so that it is difficult for a person, who is unacquainted with Their language or Custom, to distinguish when They sing, and play in Their Musick, whether it proceeds from Mirth or Sorrow: unless They Cry at the same time, as They often do when They are very much grieved: for They sing & play on
[img. 627, p. 81/27, recto] Their Musick, when They are under any Affliction or trouble to dissipate Melancholly thoughts, as well as to amuse and divert Themselves upon other Occasions.
Most of Them compose Their own Songs, which as to the Sense and substance of the Words, are after the Italian Manner; tho’ Their Notes are not so agreeable & Harmonious. Thus when any of Their Friends dye; when They have been severely, or unduly Corrected; or when, Their favourite Wife or Mistress, gives Them any cause of uneasiness, They put together some Words bemoaning Themselves, and complaining of Their Loss, or Injuries, and sing Them to some of Their Country Tunes.
And in like manner when any Event pleases Them They sing some particular Circumstance or passage, that Strikes Them & perhaps to the same Tune, or some other very like it; for They have very few Tunes, which I ever heard that are brisk or Airy; but in general there is something in Them extremely Melancholly, So that when many of Them at a distance, are singing and playing on Their Musick in parts or together, no body can be certain, not even Their Country men, who are unacquainted with the Occasion, whether They are at a Funeral or a Festival; for all of Them except the Angolas, and the Creole Negroes, sing, play on Their Musick and Dance round the Graves of Their Dead at Funerals; and for a Month after, as well as at Festivals or publick meetings on Hollidays.
Their Entertainments are likewise Remarkable; and particularly a Coromantee Feast, which is become a kind of a Proverb, in the Island; because the Person who Entertaines is always a gainer. Their Custom is to invite Their friends on some Holidays; when They kill a Hog, and dress is several ways and every one of the Guests contributes something, one sends [img. 628, p. 28, verso] Fowls, other Rum Sugar &ca. or Money, so that upon the whole They are gainers instead of being at any Expence.
Nature has implanted in Them, as well as the rest of Mankind, Pride, Ambition, Dissimulation and all other passions and Vices; though They have not the same Opportunity of exerting Them; But They are particularly Remarkable for the Art of Concealing Their passions or any Compact or Agreement amongst Themselves: for when They are detected or convinad[?] of any Crime, They will not only persist in denying the fact but assume such a Countenance, as would almost persuade one of Their Innocency: and They will suffer any Punishment, even Death it self, rather than make a Discovery or reveal any Engagement, or Confidence reposed in Them. Tho’ They are not easily or often dashed, yet I have sometimes seen Them out of Countenance or what wee call Blush, which may be perceived in Them, as well as in other People, for as White Persons on such Occasions twin Red, They change to a Pale or Whitish back.
In Their Marriages They have no form or ceremony, but take one anothers words; and I have known some that never separated or Acknowledged any other Husband or Wife during the life of the first. But in general They often change, when any quarrel arises between Them, thro’ Jealousy or upon other Occasions. However They are always fondest and take care of Their Children, even in those Cases.
And notwithstanding Polygamy is allowed amongst the Negroes, yet many of Them have no more than one Wife, and some have none For Interest governs Them as well as the rest of Mankind; and unless a Man can provide better Cloaths, and other Necessaries, than His [img. 629, p. 82/29, recto] Master allows, He will find some difficulty in getting a Wife. Nor have any of Them more than Three, which go under the Denomination of Wives; and these are generally Politically chosen, One in regard to Interest, that is a House Wench, or One who has Money, Relations or Friends, who can be usefull or Servicable to Him; Another is the Object of His Affections: and the third to dress His Victuals and manage His House, and in short is little more than His Drudge or Housekeeper. The first mentioned has always the Precedence; and tho’ They often meet at the Husbands House, and in other Places, yet They converse freely, and in an Amicable manner. Nevertheless disputes & Controversies sometimes arise amongst Them, which are determined by the Husband agreeable to His own Humour or Caprice, & not according to the Rules of Reason or Justice; and if He happens to be displeased with, or has taken a dislike to any of Them, He makes use of that dispute, or takes some other Occasion, for turning Her off, without any Ceremony, and takes another. Nay some of Them keep Their Wives in such Awe and subjection, that They will not suffer Them to Dine or sup with Them: but make Them wait till They have done; and the Reason They give is, because it would make Them Sauoy, as They express Themselves.
In the management of those People, tho’ it is absolutely Necessary to keep a Vigilant Eye, and a strict hand over most of Them, so as to keep Them in Awe, and prevent Their doing wrong or Mischief; yet care must be taken to treat Them with Humanity, and not to Correct Them unjustly or without proof of Their having committed some fault: for tho’ They never repine, when They are conscious of having deserved Correction, yet They seldom or ever forgive Injuries or Maltreatment.
And here I must in regard to truth & justice observe [img. 630, p. 30, verso] that there are many Instances of great Fidelity in some Negroes & particularly the Creoles or those born in the Country; not only as to what is committed to Their Care & management, but in making known to Their Masters and Mistresses the Treacherous Practices, and Rebellious designs of other Negroes by which means several Families have been preserved, and much mischief prevented.
Nor have They failed of a due reward on such & upon other Occasions, for Their faithfull Services, as is Evident from the great number of Free Negroes now in the Island, not less than 2000; beside those that were setled in the Mountains, and obtained Their freedom by the Treaty made with Them in 1738.
There are very few Plantations or Families but have some Negroes more or less, who behave extremely well, and are therefore distinguished by Their Masters, and employed as Drivers under Overseers, Boylers and in other places of Trust: and I am persuaded, that many of Them who understand the uses of Fire Arms, may be confided in, and will be very Servicable, in Case the Island should be at any time Invaded by a Foreign Enemy; not only for the Reason given, but because They have a kind of property to defend; and can’t endure a change of Masters, even among the English: for They are greatly disturbed on such Occasions, and are with difficulty removed from one Plantation, or part of the Island to another. And the reason of it is Evident, They have new Settlements to make for Themselves; and as They think, as to begin the World again, according to the common Phrase. [img. 631, p. 83/31, recto]
Besides They are acquainted with the Temper & Customs of Their first Master, and perhaps contracted an Affection for Him, especially if He uses Them well; or They are doubtfull of the Treatment. They shall meet with from the New, even tho’ They have some knowledge, and are acquainted with Him, and have no prejudice or dislike to His Character among Themselves.
But the strongest Objection is the Friendships & alliances They have Contracted; or perhaps They have Children, & other Relations, in the Neighbourhood. They have likewise Terrible Notions of the Inhumanity and Cruelty of the French as well as the Spaniards, from the Accounts They have received from some Negroes who had been transported, and sold to the French at Hispaniola; and made Their Escape from thence at a very great hazard of Their lives on the Sea. So that the Negroes in general think the greatest Punishment that can be inflicted on Them, is to be transported, and sold to either of those Nations.
The Laws relating to the Negroes.
Negroes punish’d for striking a White Person.
How Negroes shall be Cloathed.
Owners of Plantations to have one Acre planted with Provisions for five Negroes.
Negroes Houses to be search’d for Mischeivous Weapons & Stolen Goods.
Penalty on Persons attempting to Steal Slaves.
Run away Slaves to be deemed Rebellious after 12 Mos.
Transported Slaves to be Executed in case They willfully return.
Justices to Issue out Their Warrants for apprehending & trying Felons.
Slaves to be Executed that Compass or imagine the Death of a White Person.
Masters & Overseers not to suffer Slaves to Rendevous, beat Drums &ca.
Slaves declared not to be free by becoming Christians, to be deemed Assets for paymt. of Debts & Legacies otherwise to remain as Inheritance.
Slaves to be instructed in the Christian Religion.
Justices to appoint the Number of Holliday’s yearly.
No Slave to be dismembred at the Will & pleasure of His Owner.
White Servts. that kill a Negroe or Slave how punished.
Other Laws relative to Negroes.
The Laws for the better order & Government of Slaves among other things Enact.
That is a Slave strike a White Man, or offer any Violence to Him, such Slave shall be punished by two Justices of the Peace, and three Freeholders, who may inflict Death or any other punishment, according to Their discretion; provided such Striking or Assault, be not by Command of His Owner, Overseer or Person having power over Him, or in the lawfull defence of His Owners Person or Goods.
That all Slaves shall have Cloaths, that is Men, Jackets and Drawers, and Women Jackets and Petticoats, once every year, on or before the 25 Day of December, upon the [img. 632, p. 32, verso] Penalty of 5/ for every Slave’s wanting the Same.
That all Masters & Owners of Plantations are required to have at all times hereafter one Acre of Ground well planted with Provision, for every five Negroes He have in His Plantation, under the penalty of 40/ for every acre so wanting.
That every Master or Mistress or Overseer shall cause all Slaves Houses to be searched every 14 days for Clubs, Wooden Swords, or rather Mischievous Weapons, and finding any shall cause Them to be burnt, and also upon Request, to search for stolen Goods, and any Slave or Slaves in whose Custody such stolen Goods shall be found, shall suffer death, Transportation Dismembring, or any other Punishment at the discretion of two Justices, and three Freeholders, or the Major part of Them, one of which to be a Justice.
That no person shall attempt, or endeavour to Steal or carry off the Island. Hide, Conceal or Employ any Slave on penalty of £100. But whosoever shall actually steal any Slave, or deface His, Her or Their mark shall be guilty of Felony, and shall be excluded the benefit of the Clergy.
That all & every Slave or Slaves, that shall run away & continue for the Space of 12 Months, except such Slave or Slaves, as shall not have been 3 years in this Island, shall be deemed Rebellious; and Their taking shall be paid for accordingly; which Slave or Slaves so taken, as a Punishment for Their Crimes, shall be Transported by order of two Justices, and three Freeholders or the Major part of Them, one of which is to be a Justice, tho’ no other Crime shall appears against Them; which Order the Owner or Trustee shall see duly Executed, under the penalty of Fifty Pounds for each Offence. [img. 633, p. 84/33, recto]
That if any Slave or Slaves transported by order of two Justices and Three Freeholders, willfully return: upon complaint made to any Justice of the Peace, He upon View of the Record is impowered and directed on penalty of Fifty pounds immediately to issue out a Warrant under His Hand & Steal, to any Marshall or Constable to apprehend and Execute the Slave or Slaves so returning.
That upon Complaint made to any Justices of the Peace of any Fellony, Burglary, Robbery, burning of Houses or Canes Rebellious Conspiracies or any other Capital Offence, the said Justice shall Issue out His Warrant for the Apprehending the Offender or Offenders; and for all person to come before Him, that can give Evidence: (and the Evidence of one Slave against another, in this & all other Cases, shall be deemed good & sufficient proof) and if upon Examination, it appears, that the Apprehended are guilty, He shall commit Him, or Her or Them to Prison, and certifie to the next Justice the Cause and require Him to Associate Himself, which Justice is thereby required to do: and They so associated shall issue out Their Warrant to Summon three Freeholders, setting forth the matter and requiring Them to attend at a Certain day and hour, and at such a place as is appointed by the Justices, and Vestry of the Parish for such Trialls; and if They on hearing the matter (The Freeholders being first sworne to judge uprightly and according to Evidence) shall judge the Person or Persons Guilty. They or the Major part of Them of wch. one shall be a justice, shall give sentence of Death, Transportation or any other Punishment, as They shall think meet to inflict; and forthwith by Their Warrant cause immediate Execution to be done, Women with Child only Excepted, who [img. 634, p. 34, verso] are hereby Repreived till after Their Delivery.
And if any Slave or Slaves, compass or imagine the death of a White Person; and thereof be attainted by open deed (or Overt Act) before two Justices, and three Freeholders such Slave or Slaves shall suffer Death; and all Petit Crimes Trespasses and Injuries committed by any Slave or Slaves, shall be heard and determined by any Justice of the Peace.
And for Prevention of the Meeting of Slaves in great numbers on Sundays & Hollidays, whereby They contrive and bring to pass many Bloody and Inuhmane transactions, it is ordered and directed;
That no Master Mistress or Overseer shall suffer any meeting of Slaves not belonging to Their own Plantation to Rendevouz, Feast, Revell, beat Drums or cause any other disturbance; but shall forwith disperse Them.
That no Slave shall be free by becoming a Christian; and for payment of Debts and Legacies all Slaves shall be deemed and taken as Goods & Chattels in the hands of Executors; and where other Goods and Chattles are not sufficient to satisfie such Debts and Legacies, then so many as are necessary shall be sold, and the Remaining Slaves after payment of Debts & Legacies, shall be judged deemed & taken as Inheritance, and shall descend Accordingly. And all Children of Slaves shall remain, or Revert as Their Parents do.
That all Masters, Mistresses or Owners, and in Their Absence Overseers, shall as much as in Them lies, endeavour the Instruction of Their Slaves in the Principles of the Christian Religion, whereby to facilitate Their Conversion; [img. 635, p. 85/35, recto] and shall do Their utmost to fitt Them for Baptism; and as soon as They conveniently can, shall cause to be Baptized all such, as They can make sensible of a Deity, and the Christian Fatih.
That the Justices within the several & Respective Parishes and Precincts, shall be the first Session of every year, limit and appoint the number of Hollidays at the usual Festivals of Christmas, Easter & Whitsuntide.
That no Slave or Slaves be dismembred at the Will & pleasure of His Master, Owner or Employer, and under the penalty of £100.
That if any Person shall willingly, wantonly or bloody mindedly kill a Negroe or other Slave, He, She, or They so offending, being Convicted thereof by a Verdict or Confession in the Supreme Court of Judicature shall be adjudged guilty of the Felony for the first Offence, and have the benefit of the Clergy. But the second Offence shall be deemed Murder, and the offender suffer Death, according to the Laws of England; but is not to forfiet lands & Tenements, Good & Chattles.
Beside These, there are many other Excellent Laws relating to the Negroes, too tedious and indeed unnecessary to transcribe, the above mentioned Abstracts or Clauses, being sufficient to shew, the Care, Justice and tenderness of the Legislature with regard to Them: as well as to the Interest and Preservation of the Island; and I could wish They were at all times duly observed, and strictly put in Execution.
The Planters Vindicated of Inhumanity & Cruelty to Their Negroes.
The legall punishment inflicted on Negroes.
Great Severity practised in Campes & Garrisons
The Negs. and Mulattos the most Severe Masters
The Negroes manner of living in our Plantations & in Their own Country.
The Priviledges allow’d to Negroes
Their Diet and Cloathing
The absolute power of Their Princes in Their own Country.
The Condition of the Negroes and common people in other Countries Compared.
The difficulties the lower sort of People are under in Europe.
As to the Inhumanity & Cruelty of the Planters to Their Negroes, tho’ I will not pretend to say, there is not any ground for that Charge, yet in general it is very much aggravated; & very few are so Barbarous as They are Represented to be; [img. 636, p. 36, verso] But whoever considers the Negroes Superiority in Number, the sullen deceitfull Refractory Temper of most of Them; that some are Careless, other Treacherous or Idle, and apt to run away; and how much Their Masters Interest depends on the Care & diligence of His Slaves must needs be convinced that there is an absolute necessity of keeping a Vigilant Eye and strict Hand over Them.
The Punishment usually inflicted on Them, unless by Order of two Justices, and three Freeholders, is a severe Whipping on the bare back; and tho’ such a correction may be shocking to a tender mind, yet it is indispensably necessary for the Reasons, I have mentioned.
Nor is that kind of Discipline so Rigid & Severe as is practised in English as well as Foreign Camps & Garrisons; where I have seen the common Soldiers punished with much great Severity than I ever saw the Negroes in Jamaica, however it must be confessed that the Usage & treatment of the Negroes greatly depends on the Temper and discretion of the Master; for such Men are of a more tender, humane, Compassionate disposition, than others; and are led by those Motives and Principles, as well as a regard to Their Interest to be kind to Their Negroes, to be carefull that They neither want provisions nor proper Cloathing, and to preserve Their lives and limbs: because the death or disability of a Negro is a Certain loss, and Their Plantations depend on keeping up the Number, which is not so easy as some imagine, for though Polygamy is Practised amongst the Negroes, it rather hinders than promotes Their Multiplying, so that when Mortality [img. 637, p. 80/37, recto] or any other Accident happens, a Planter is undone, or falls behind hand unless He has Money or Credit to purchase others; a good working field Negro being worth from 30 to £50, and good Boilers, Carpenters, Bricklayers and other Tradesmen from £60 to £150 Each, according to His Skill & Ability.
And tho’ it will appear very strange, yet it is a matter of Fact to my own knowledge and observation, that the Free Negroes & Mulatto’s, even those who have been Slaves Themselves are the most Rapid cruel & severe Masters in all Respects.
The Negroes manner of living in our Plantations, & above all the very name of Slavery, may be disagreeable & shocking to an Englishmen, who has always enjoyed His liberty, and lived in care & plenty. But when it is considered that Their Condition in general is much better, and that They live happier than They did in Their own Country, or even than some of the working People in England; and preferably to those of some other Nations; those Circumstances will remove the Prejudice, which many Persons unacquainted with our Colonies, have conceived against Them.
For every Plantation Negroe in Jamaica is allowed to build a House for Himself and Family, after His own manner; which tho’ mean & low, yet is such, as They have been used to, in Their own Country: They are also allowed to Fence in a small yard Contiguous, and to raise Hogs, and Poultry for Themselves, beside His little Plantation, which produces Corn, Pease &ca. and all sorts of ground Provisions; some of which They dispose of, and purchase other necessaries.
Their Diet is indeed Course, yet They are very [img. 638, p. 38, verso] well contented with it, as it is the same, and in some Respects much better, than They were used to, which was nothing more than Maiz or Corn, in some parts Rice, Plantains, Yams & Potatoes roasted or boiled (and now & then a Goat or a small Deer) But in Jamaica, They not only have those sorts of Provisions in great plenty, but salted Beef, Pork and Fish which many of Them prefer to fresh Meat. In some parts of the Island, They have also plenty of fresh Fish, and most of Them, as I observed are allowed to keep Hogs, and Fowls; by which means They are able to purchase a better allowance of those things, Than They have from Their Masters which is only at Christmans and in Crop time, They have likewise Cloathing and many other Necessaries which They were stranger to, and never knew the use of before They came to the Island.
Nor was Their liberty in Their own Country any more than Nominal or imaginary; for as most of Them were subject to the Arbitrary Will and Pleasure of Their Kings or Chief Men, who disposed of Them as They thought proper, and had an absolute power of life and Death, They may justly be said to be less Slaves in our Plantations than They were in Their own Country. Because in our Plantations Their Masters are allowed no power of life and death over Their Slaves, and are even restrained from Maiming or dismembering Them upon any pretence whatever without a legal Trial.
Whoever considers the condition of the common People in most other Countries, and compares it with the Condition of the Negroes in our Plantations must allow that the latter has the Advantage notwithstanding all the Objections and [img. 639, p. 87/35, recto] Cavils that are made against the usage and treatment the Negroes meet with. As a Negro has kind of property and looks upon His little Plantation as such, it being seldom taken away without giving Him an Equivalent. He has stated times of Working and Recess, and several Hollidays in the year, beside Saturday’s in the afternoon and Sundays. He is allowed at those times to go upon His own Occasions, divert Himself or Visit His Friends, provided He asks leave and obtains a Certifficate. He is taken care of in sickness and Health, and at no Expence for Rent, or an Apothecary or Surgeon. He has plenty of ground Provisions, and with care and Industry may furnish Himself with salted Provisions, ad other Necessaries, beside what He is allowed by His Maser, and when He is grown old, infirm or past labour, He is supported by His Master. This is the Circumstance or Condition of most, tho’ not all of Them, as some of Them are so Roguish or idle, as not to take that provident care, and therefore often suffer want and Extremity, which They very justly deserve.
The Condition & manner of living of the common People in England, and other parts is very well known and therefore I shall only observe, that many of Them are under great difficulties in subsisting Themselves and Their Families in Sickness or the dead of Winter; and sometimes in the Summer Season; that Their Diet in general is as Coarse as the Negroes, few of Them being able to purchase Meat above once a week, and that of the Worst sort; that many of Them are as Ragged and bare of Cloathing as the Negroes, considering the difference of the Climate, and that often in Health, as well as in sickness, Old Age or Disability [img. 640, p. 40, verso] They are reduced to very great extremity, yet these people startle, and are shocked at the proposition of going over to the Plantations; where They may live better and have a prospect of raising Their Fortunes.
The distempers incident to the Negro’s
The Art & Skill of some Negro Doctors.
The Negro Doctors conceal Their method of curing distempers.
The Negroes are not only subject to the common Diseases but are likewise troubled with some Distempers, peculiar to Themselves, and probably owing to Their manner of living, as They feed much on salted Provisions, or such as They season so excessive high with salt & Pepper, that no body can touch it but Themselves; even the very tasting of it will inflamte the Mouth to such a degree that it cannot be cooled for sometime after.
The most terrible distemper amongst Them is the Yaws which is very seldom known among the White People tho’ some of the poorer sort who converse & cohabit with Them are sometimes troubled with it. It breaks out in Blotches and sores full of Ulcerous matter, and when it spreads, and is thick over the body it is more offensive and frightfull than the small Pox; it is seldom cured in less than two years; and very few but Their own Doctors (for such They have amongst Them) have the Art of making a perfect Cure. For tho’ our Physicians & Surgeons undertake it, and do seemingly make a Cure, yet it generally breaks out again.
As I have mentioned the Negro Doctors, it will not be improper to take notice that some of Them have made very surprizing Cures and particularly one belonging to Mr. Dawkins of Clarendon, Their method of Practice is generally by making a hot Bath with several sorts of Herbs and Simples; or by more particularly in the small Pox. They very seldom prescribe any [img. 641, p. 88/41, recto] thing to be taken inwardly which probably is one Reason that attaches Their own Colour so much to Them, and makes Them have so little confidence in our Physicians and Surgeons.
For tho’ every Plantation has one, that constantly attends Them every day, yet it is with great difficulty that many of the Negroes are prevailed upon to take Their Medicines.
The Negro Doctors very seldom discover Their Nostrums or method of Practice; tho’ some of our Practitioners have now & then got out of Them the use and Virtue of many Simples; that were unknown to Them or any Physician in England, And I am of Opinion, that many Secrets in the Art of Physick may be obtained from these Negro Doctors, were proper methods taken; which I think is not below our Physicians to enquire into, as it may be of great Service to Themselves, as well as mankind.
The Planters Censur’d for not instructing Their Negroes in Christianity.
The objection answer’d
Negro Notion of a future State.
Their manner of burying Their Dead
Their Notion of returning to Their own Country, the Cause of Their being fearless of Death.
The method of preventing Them from Destroying Themselves.
The Angolas Baptised in Their own Country.
Probability of inculcating Religious Principles into some of Them.
There remains one object to the Conduct of the Planters, which I wish I could as easily answer, as those I have already mentioned; and that is the little care They take to instruct Their Negroes in the belief of a Deity, and the Principles of the Christian Religion. The Legislature indeed have by law directed, that every Master Mistress or Overseer shall, as much as in Them lies, endeavour to instruct Their Slaves, and to fit Them for Baptism; but it must be observed, that there is no penalty on those who omit and neglect it; nor would it be to any purpose if there was as many other Penal Laws which affect Themselves are very seldom put in Execution. The reason commonly assigned for Their neglect of this, Vizt. that the Conversion of Their Slaves to Christianity would set Them free is entirely groundless; because there is an express law of the Country to the Contrary, nor do I conceive any foundation for such a suggestion if there was not.
[img. 642, p. 42, verso] It must be confessed that these People shew no manner of inclination to be instructed, or converted, nor could I ever perceive it had any good Effect on those that were taught to Read, and had been baptized, however devote and attentive They appeared to be during Divine Service, and many of Them are so very dull and Stupid that it is impracticable to instill into Them any Notion of Religion or a future State of Rewards & Punishments. The most sensible among Them and especially the Creole Negroes, do indeed believe in a Deity & that there is a future State; tho’ Their own Notions and Opinions are very dark & obscure.
As to Their being Idolaters, and that They worship Snakes and other Animals, I never met with any such among them [crossed out] or who really were of Opinion, that They die They shall return again into Their own Country, as is commonly related of Them [crossed out]; but if there be any such it must be only the most Stupid and Ignorant amongst Them.
It is true that all of Them except the Angolas, put Meat and Drink into Their Graves with Their Dead, and for some weeks after sing, Dance and pour liquor over Them, but this proceeds from the general opinion amongst Them of removing after Death to some other Country, where They shall enjoy Their Freedom and live happily; and therefore They must have Provisions for supporting Them.
It is that hope or Expectation, which makes Them so fearless of Death, and in Their last moments seem to be under no other concern, than that of parting with Their Friends; and it is so strongly imprinted on some Negroes, particularly the Eboes, that upon the least disgust or [img. 643, p. 89/43, recto] uneasiness, and sometimes to avoid Punishment, They will hang Themselves.
Nor has any means been found effectual to deter Them from that abominable Practice, but to dismember & burn the bodies of such Negroes: for as They have not any Idea of a Resurrection, it strikes the greatest terrour into Them; because They think it Annihilates or disables such Persons from pursuing Their Journey to that other Country. Nay many of Them have discovered the greatest uneasiness, when They have seen, or heard of any of Their friends or Countrymen being opened or dissected; and the Surgeons sometimes have been obliged to desist in order to pacify Them, altho’ They were acquainted with the Motives & Reasons, and many Arguments made use of to convince Them of Their absurd & Ridiculous Notions, tho’ to very little purpose.
As to the Angolas, many of Them have been Baptised in Their own Country, and have some notions of Christianity tho’ very dark and obscure. For about two hundred years ago Their King & many of Them were converted by the Portoguese who continue to send Missionaries among Them. They have also some black Priests of Their own Country who are Slaves as well as Themselves, and tell Their Beads & perform the Offices at Funerals after the Romish manner in broken Portoguese: though I never could inform my self that They had any other Publick or private Meetings for the performing [img. 644, p. 44, verso] Divine Worship; or that They were better than other Negroes in any Respect.
Upon the whole I am of Opinion that it is possible to Instruct many Negroes, especially the Creoles or such as are brought young to the Island, in the Belief of a Deity which They seem Naturally inclined to, and some Principles of Morality which might likewise be inculcated would tend very much to make them better Servants and subjects, as well as to fitt Them for another World; but to attempt any thing more, will be in Vain a Herculean labour tho’ I am far from discouraging so laudable a design, and should be glad to see some attempt to Accomplish it.
The Tradition of the Wild Negroes in the Mountains.
The Goverment at a great Expence to preven Their Excursions.
Their Origin
The Spaniards encouraged the Negroes They left behind them to harass & distress the English
Spanish Negroes Erect a kind of Govermt. Independent of the Spands.[?] & English.
Relation of the Spanish Negroes who refused to submit to the English.
The Spanish & English Negroes become acquainted & commence a Correspondance.
Major Lovvys Negro’s Rebell & Retreated into the Mountains. The Fugitives Settle in the Mountains under separate Commanders.
An Insurrection at Mr. Suttons Plantation in Clarendon, & Mr. Guys at Guanaboa
An Insurrection in St. Elizabeths.
Disputes & Battles among the Fugitives
They incorporate & chuse a Commander.
The Spanish Negro’s become acquainted with the Fugitives & make Excursions.
They incorporate with some small Bodies of the Fugitives.
The Causes of Their being so long neglected.
The N.E. part of the Island mostly possessed by the Wild Negroes
Their want of Salt & manner of preserving Hog &ca.
They attain a Communication with Manchineal Bay
The precaution of the Govermt. to prevent Their procur’g Powder.
Their chief Commanders vested with an absolute power.
Their Chiefs appointed as many Capts. under Them, as They thought Necessary
Their policy in prohibiting all languages being spoken except the English.
They provided places of Retreat, upon being routed from one Settlement to Another.
Their Settlements in places surrounded with Mountains & difficult of access.
Their Vigilance & Care against being Surprized.
Their Custom in blowing Shells when They Engage to terrifie Their Enemies.
Their first Care, on meeting with Success to search for Powder & Ammunition.
Negroes who deserted from Plantations & join Them not intrusted till They have served a time of Probation.
The Wild Negroes dispossessed of Nanny Town.
They Separate Themselves in small Bodies in hopes of distress’g the English and regaining the Town.
Capt Cudjo refuses to incorporate the Windward Gang with His & His Reasons.
His Apprehensions of want’g Provisions.
He disaproved of Their Conduct with regard to the White People.
He upbraided Them with Their Insolence & Barbarity.
Their having a separate Commander & Independent of Him
The Windward Gang return to the Eastern Parts.
Mr. Trelawny Convinced of the Necessity of reducing the Wild Negroes.
Collo. Gutheries proposals for granting Them pardon, on certain Conditions.
Collo. Gutherie Advances towards Their Settlement, with a strong detachment of Soldiers & Militia
Collo. Gutherie dispatches a person to treat with the Wild Negroes & Their Acceptance of His Terms.
As to the Negroes who are setled in the Mountains, and for many years gave great disturbance and uneasiness to the Inhabitants, more particularly to the Planters in the Remote Parts of the Island, Their Origin is very dark and obscure; and all that can be collected of Them is chiefly by Tradition from some of the old Standers and Themselves, particularly Capt. Cudjoe, who is Their Chief or Head Man, and a very sensible Fellow.
The Goverment was at a vast Expence in Building Defensible Barracks in the Mountains to prevent Their Excursions, as well as in raising Parties, to pursue and reduce Them. But all to very little purpose; for having many Fastness and Places of Retreat when They were discovered and routed from one Settlement, They retired to another, where our People could not follow not being well acquainted with the Mountainous Parts, nor capable of [img. 645, p. 90/45, recto] ascending Them, but with the greatest difficulties. By those means They were not only able to support and defend Themselves, but to be very mischievous and troublesome; and as They encreased and gathered Strength, by the Fugitives (from time to time) from the Plantations, They became formidable and threatned the Subversion of the Island.
According to the best Information, I have been able to get, They are partly descended from some Spanish Negroes, who refused the Terms & Conditions which were offered by Collo. Doyley, and had been accepted of by many others; but chiefly from the Negroes who some years after Rebelled at Major Lobbys Plantation in St. Anns, Mr. Suttons in Clarendon, and Mr. Guys at Guanaboa and never were subdued.
When the English Forces had routed the Spaniards who were setling Themselves at St. Anns (after the Island was surrender’d by Treaty to General Venables) They left behind Them a considerable number of Negroes and Mulattos whom They were not able to carry with Them for want of Embarkation. To encourage Them to continue Their Fidelty, to harass and distress the English, They promised Them great Rewards, and that They would soon return with sufficient Forces to recover the Island. At the same time to Exasperate and prevent Their making and any agreement, They insinuated that the English were a Bloody minded People, and never gave any quarter.
These Negroes finding Themselves at liberty, and that Their Masters, did not return, according to Their promise [img. 646, p. 46, verso] killed the Mulattas and others who were appointed to conduct Them; Erected a kind of Government among Themselves, and chose a Person whom They thought fitt to Govern Them. But having already given a Relation of Their Transactions, from time to time, I shall now proceed to give an Account of those who continued to obstinate and refused to accept of the Terms and Conditions which were granted to the others.
When They found Their Numbers so reduced that They were not able to make any Resistance They resolved to retire and settle in the most remote Parts of the Island; And if possible to avoid being discovered or giving any offence. Accordingly They divided Themselves in two Bodies, that They might be better able to subsist Themselves in two Bodies, that They might be better able to subsist Themselves, and remain undiscovered; the one of Them setled among the Mountains between St. James and Hannover Parishes, and the other at the Eastermost part of St. Georges near Port Antonio. There they lived in an inoffensive manner many years; carefully avoiding the English when They came to settle in those Parts, or of doing Them any Injury, insomuch that it was generally thought They had found means of getting over to Cuba, or perished in the Woods, so that They were almost forgot; and the new Setlers in those Parts scarcely ever heard of, much less imagined They had any such Neighbours, or under any apprehensions of Them.
In process of time the Hunters fell in with Theirs, who at first were very shy, but afterwards They became acquainted, grew familiar, and held a Correspondence with [img. 647, p. 91/47, recto] the English Negroes; however They did not encourage Them to desert, and those that did were treated with great severity, obliged to do all Servile Offices, They put Them to, which prevented many others from joining Them.
In 1673, the Negroes belonging to Major Lobby who were mostly Coromantines, a Fractious, Turbulent bloody minded People, mutinied, kill’d Their Master and 12 White Men, seized all Their Arms and Ammunition They could meet with & retreated to the Mountains where They setled and remained undiscovered many years.
The same accident hapned some years after at Mr. Suttons Plantation in Clarendon, and Mr. Guys at Guanaboa. And many of Their Negroes who escaped also setled in the Mountains separately and under distinct commanders, who were chosen among Themselves. These three Gangs lived some years in Their respective Retreats without any knowledge of each other, or of the Spanish Negroes and were contented to hide Themselves in those Parts where They could subsist without doing any Injury to the Planters or giving Them the least umbrage; But the want of Cloaths, Amunition & other necessaries made Them afterwards venture out in the Night, surprise and Rob the Remote Settlements. Their Success not only animated Them, but encouraged several small Bodies of Negroes to desert from the Plantations, who likewise setled separately; and particularly a parcel of New Negroes belonging to Capt. Herring in St. Elizabeths who not being at Home, They mutinied kill’d His Lady and [img. 648, p. 48, verso] two Children and retired into the Mountains, were They hapned to meet with and joined one of those Gangs.
And in 1718 another Body of Negroes, belonging to Mr. Downs of St. Elizabeth’s went away & put Themselves under the Command of a Madagascare Negroe, who was a Resolute Cunning Fellow and setled near Deans Valley. These inveigled many discontented Negroes from the Neighbouring Plantations, and became considerable about the year 1720. When by means of Their Hunters the several Gangs became acquainted with each other Settlements, and most of Them incorporated in two great Bodies the one under the Command of the Madagascar Negro, and the others who were mostly Coromantines, under the Command of a Negro belonging to Mr. Sutton.
These two Parties, after many disputes, and bloody Battles wherein a great number were slain on both sides, and among others the Madagascar Captain, joined & incorporated Themselves.
Hence arose that Great Body of Negroes, near Deans Valley in St. Elizabeths, now under the Command of Capt. Cudjo, who afterwards encreased by the desertion of other Negroes from time to time.
But However inoffensively the Spanish Negroes lived, for many years, yet when Their Posterity became acquainted with some of the small Bodies of Rebellious Negroes and observed that They supported Themselves by Robbery & Violence; They made use of the same means to furnish Themselves with Arms, Ammunitions & Women which They were in great want of. They likewise [img. 649, p. 92/49, recto] Associated Themselves with some of those small Bodies, followed the same Customs, and abated of Their Severity to those who deserted and came to join Them.
Hence arose the other great Gang, which consisted of the Descendants of the Spanish Negroes, who had seated Themselves in St. James’s & St. Georges, were joined by divers small Bodies, and afterwards many disputes and Battles with some other Gangs incorporated and setled together in the Mountains near Port Antonio, where They made a considerable settlement, which They called Nanny Town.
Hitherto those Gangs only came down in the Night and Robbed the Out Settlements, without committing any Murder, which was the principal Cause of the great Neglect of the Government in not taking Vigorous measures earlier than They did to subdue or Extirpate Them, untill Their strength and Number began to appear, which was about the year 1730. For having been overlook’d and disregarded so many years, They began to grow Formidable by continued desertions; and many hundred stout able Negroes being born in the Woods who were trained up to Arms, and being from Their Infancy accustomed to steep Rocky Mountains, it was exceeding difficult, & almost impracticable for white Persons to follow Them.
The North East part of the Island being uninhabited by the English was for many years, entirely possessed or overrun by this Windward Gang, and St. James’s by the [img. 650, p. 50, verso] leeward Gang. And They had not only a Communication from the Mountains to the Sea (where They frequently came down to catch Turtle, and make Salt) But from one end of the Island (over the Mountains) to the other, by which means They held a Correspondance with each other.
I am Credibly inform’d that before They had an intercourse with the Plantations or a passage to the Sea, Their want of Salt was one of the greatest inconveniencies They were subject to (being Naturely fond of it and accustomed to use great quantities) and They found Their Healths impaired by the disease. Nor could They without it preserve Their Wild Hog and other Game, which They met with in the Mountains and on the Sea Coasts. But this They afterwards supplied by making a strong lixivium of Wood Ashes, which They accidentally discovered to be salt: and by dipping Their Hog and other Game in the pickle which They made of it, and afterwards smoaking Them, They were able to preserve Their Hog & other Game a Considerable time.
But for several Years past They not only came to Manchineal Bay, and other Parts near the Sea where They supplied Themselves with Salt, Turtle & Fish; but They also had an opportunity of furnishing Themselves with whatever They had occasion for.
The Goverment used all the precautions in Their power to prevent those practices and Inconveniencies; and the [img. 651, p. 93/51, recto] Assembly passed an Act which not only confined the Sale of Powder to a very few hands, but imposed a heavy penalty on those, who should dispose of or deliver any quantity to a Negro, Mulatto or other Person who was not a House keeper of known Residence. Notwithstanding which the Rebells found means to supply Themselves, for upon Computing the quantities which They met with in the Plantations, They robbed from time to time, and what was taken by Them fro some of our Parties, whom They defeated it was found vastly short of what They must have expended in several Engagements, and upon other Occasions.
I have already observed that the Ring leaders of these Rebells (who were bold Resolute Fellows) were by the Suffrage of the whole invested with an absolute power, which out of fear or necessity was continued to Their Heirs; and particularly the leeward Gang; for Capt. Cudjo who commands Them, is the Son of one of Mr. Suttons Negroes who was at the head of that Conspiracy and Governed the Gang to the time of His Death.
The Chief Commanders of these Gangs appointed occasionally as many Captains as were necessary whom He chose out of the ablest Men under Him: and divided the rest into Companies: And to each Capt. He gave such a Number of Men as He thought proportionate to His Merit & Services. This Distinction made those Captains Ambitious to Excell in whatever might Contribute to the good of the whole [img. 652, p. 52, verso] Their chief Employment was to Exercise Their respective Men; to Instruct Them in the use of the lance and small Arms, after the manner of the Negroes on the Coast of Guiney, and to conduct the bold Resolute, and Active in Robbing Plantations &ca. others He employed in Hunting & Catching Wild Hogs making Salt & Catching Turtle, or, with the Women in Planting Provisions & such like offices.
And having Experienced that the Divisions & Quarrells which had hapned amongst Themselves, were owing to Their different Countries and Customs, which Created Jealousies and uneasiness; He prohibited any other language being spoken among Them, but English. This wise Institution prevented all further Distinctions & Animosities on that Acct. and kept Them united, so that all of Them, even those who were born in the Mountains speak very good English.
When either of the Settlements of those Gangs were discovered and They were routed by our Parties, They were not at a loss of subsistence or a place of Retreat. For foreseeing such Accidents might happen, They prudently made other Settlements to retire to; the Inland parts of Jamaica affording Them many such places, which were not only difficult of access but the Soil very good and yielded Them plenty of Corn Yams &ca. nor were They otherwise at a loss for Provisions to subsist Them, there being abundance of Wild Yams and other Roots in the Woods, which They knew how to dress and make [img. 653, p. 94/53, recto] tollerable food in any Extremity. Their Settlements were made in places commonly called Cock Pitts, being surrounded with Mountains which are almost inaccessible and difficult of Access, having not more than one or two Avenues leading to Them and so narrow or Rocky that only one or two Men can pass a breast, nor without great difficulty, especially to those who are not used to such Parts.
At the Entrance into those Avenues, They kept a Continual Watch or Centinel, to prevent being surprized; and upon the least appearance of danger, He made the best of His way to the Town or gave a signal or alarm upon which every Man who was able to manage a lance, or use Fire Arms immediately repaired to His Post under His respective Captain, which was in some Ambuscade or, Place that was easy to be defended. In the mean time the Women & Children who commonly had Their Cloaths, and best Moveable ready for a flight, made Their Escape to some other Place or Settlement appointed for a Rendevouz in Case of an Attack, or being defeated by our Party.
When They Engag’d They constantly kept blowing Horns, Conch Shells, and other Instruments, which made a hideous and terrible Noise among the Mountains in hopes of terrifying our Parties, by making Them imagine Their Number & strength much greater than it really was.
And when They robbed any of the Plantations, the first things They looked for, was powder and lead or Powter to make balls, They were likewise Industrious in finding out Negro Women & [img. 654, p. 54, verso] Girls to carry with Them.
But when any Negro Men deserted from the Plantations & went among Them, They would not confide in Them untill They had served a time prefixed for Their Probation; which made some of Them return to Their Masters not liking the usage or treatment They met with.
In this Situation They were in, when two strong Parties were fitted out to suppress Them, and were so successfull as to drive Them out of Nanny Town which was one of Their strongest holds, and being dispossessed of that place They were reduced to very great Extremities. But, having already given a particular Acct. of this & other passages relating to our Parties, & the several Skirmishes They had with the Rebells in the Third part of this Treatise. I shall proceed to give an Acct. of what passed among Them afterwards, and untill They came to an agreement and submitted Themselves.
When the Windward Gang was dislodged from Nanny Town They hovered near the place in small Bodies, in hopes of distressing our People and obliging Them to desert it. But finding Them determined to keep possession, and that They were not only duly supplied with Necessaries but had cut a Road of Communication to Port Antonio, and frequently sent out Parties wch. greatly harassed and Annoyed Them; They marched to Leeward, in hopes of being received and entertained by the other Gang near Deans Valley.
But, They did not meet with the Reception which They expected, for Capt. Cudjo refused to Admit [img. 655, p. 95/55, recto] Their continuing with Them for the following Reasons.
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He was apprehensive that He had not sufficient Provisions to maintain Them, and His own People.
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He blamed Them for Their indiscretion and imprudent Conduct before those Parties were sent against Them. For He said, it was always a Rule with Him, not to Molest or injure the White People unless He was provoked to it. and shewed Them several Graves, where he said were buried some of His Men whom He had Executed for Murdering of White People contrary to His Orders.
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He upbraided Them with Their Insolence and Barbarity to the White People, which was the cause of Their sending out Parties, who in time would destroy Them all. And
Lastly, as He had an absolute Command over His People, He was unwilling to receive another Body, who were Independt. of Him, and subject only to Their own Chiefs who would not submit to Him; so that He received and Entertained Them as Guests but would not allow Them to settle in that part of the Country. And as soon as They had information that our Parties in the Windward Part of the Island were retired to Nanny Town & Port Antonio, upon the desertion of the Rebells; the Windward Gang were drove away or refused any further Entertainment by Capt. Cudjo & His People.
Upon Their return to the Windward or Eastward part of the Island, They made a settlement on the Mountains in St. [img. 656, p. 56, verso] Georges Parish where They remained and contented Themselves with Their circumstances, rather than give any further Umbrage or uneasiness to the White People by Their Excursions & Depredations.
In this Situation the affairs of this Island was in with regard to Them, when Mr. Trelawny came to the Government in 1738, and tho’ They had been quiet for some time, yet He was convinced of the necessity of reducing Them or the Island would be, in a few years in danger of being over run by Them. He likewise thought it necessary not only to send out strong Parties, but persons of more Consequence and Distinction to Command Them than had hitherto been sent out. And accordingly proposed to Collo. John Gutherie of Westmoreland to fit out and command a Party to attack Capt. Cudjo & His Gang.
Collo. Gutherie who had resided many years (and had a Considerable Interest) in the Island, observed with concern all the Efforts which had been made to reduce the Rebells by Force, were Fruitless and ineffectual, and that it was necessary to think of some other expedient. For as They were certain of being executed if They were taken, being proscribed by the Laws of the Country (& Their Children not suffered to live on the Island but Transported to other Parts) Their chiefs took care to remind Them of what was to be Their Fate, in case They were taken and which made Them desperate despairing of any accommodation or agreement with the White [img. 657, p. 96/57, recto] People. He therefore thought the only method would be to grant Them a full and general pardon, on certain Conditions, and that the same should be ratified and confirmed by an Act of the Assembly. Accordingly He proposed the same to the Governour, who approved of it, and promised to endeavour to procure a law for ratifying whatever terms He should grant the Rebells. Upon this Collo. Gutherie accepted of the command which was offered Him, and being a Gentleman who was greatly Esteemed and approved of He soon raised 200 able Men fitt for Service beside several of the Neighbouring Planters who went with Him as Volunteers. and Lt. Sadler with 40 Soldiers draughted out of the Independt. Companies were also ordered to join Them and be under His Command.
Collo. Gutherie who had duly considered this affair, & attained by good intelligence the Situation and strength of the Rebells, marched with this Party without much inconvenience untill They came to one of Their ambuscades, from whence after a warm dispute and the loos of several Men, They drove Them out and continued Their march towards Their chief Settlements. They afterwards passed through deep and narrow Vallies, bound with Rocks on each side, form whence the Negroes continually kept Firing at Them, and as some of Them personally knew several of the Gentlement who went Volunteers, They called to Them by [img. 658, p. 58, verso] Their Names, and with much abusive language, asked Them why They came out against Them, who never had done Them any Injury? Collo. Gutherie thereupon desired to speak with Their Commander, in the mean time promised Them a Truce & that He should return without any hurt or injury. This They would not consent to, but upbraided our People with perfidiousness and tol Them that They were not to be confided in. In this manner two days were spent, in small Skirmishes and bitter Reproaches, untill They were drove near the Town; When by degrees They became more familiar, began to listen to the Offer that was made; and agreed to send one of Their Gang to meet one of our Men unarmed and to hear what He had to propose.
Accordingly a discreet sensible Person was sent to trat with one of Their Captains, who after some discourse together, and an Indemnity proposed on Certain Conditions, He departed with the presents which were made to Him and the other Commanders, and an invitation to Capt. Cudjo who is Their Chief or head Man, to meet Collo. Gutherie in he same place and manner in order to bring this matter to an issue, upon which a Truce was agreed on, Hostages exchanged and Their apprehensions removed, by the reception & Entertainment They met with, They cheerfully accepted of our proposals, and agreed to the following Articles.
The Articles of Agreement.
Capt. Cudjo & His Adherents to enjoy a perfect state of Freedom forever.
To have liberty of Planting any Commodity productive in the Island, Sugar only Excepted.
Capt. Cudjoe & His Adherents to reside within Their limited bounds.
Capt. Cudjo for Himself & His Successors oblige Themselves to use Their Endeavours to take kill, Suppress or destroy all Fugitives of Rebell Negroes.
To assist in the defence of the Island in case of an Invasion.
White Men doing Injury to Capt. Cudjo or His Adherents to be redressed by any Magistrate.
Fugitives or Deserters hereafter to be immediately deld.[?] up.
Negroes taken since the raising of the Party to be returned.
Capt. Cudjo & His Successors to wait on the Governr. or Commandr. in Chief once ever year.
Capt. Cudjo and His Successors to inflict any punishment on Their own Men, Death Excepted.
Capt. Cudjo & His Adherents to Cut & keep open Convenient Roads to Trelawney Town.
Two White Men to reside constantly at Trelawney Town.
Capt. Cudjo to be Comr. in Trelawney Town during life
[img. 659, p. 97/59, recto] Jamaica
Copy of the Treaty ad with Capt. Cudjoe and the other Rebellious Negroes &ca.
By order of Edward Trelawney Esqr. Governour of the said Island.
At the Camp near Trelawney March the 1st 1738-9
In the Name of God Amen
Whereas Capt. Cudjoe, Capt. Acompong, Capt. Johny, Capt. Cuffoe, & Capt. Quacow, and several other Negroes Their Defendants ad Adherents, have been in a state of War and Hostility for several years past agains’t out Sovereign the King, and the Inhabitants of this Ialdn; and whereas Peace and friendship among mankind, and the preventing the Effusion of Blood is agreeable to God, consonant to Reason, and desired by every good Man. And Whereas His Majesty George the Second King of Great Britain France and Ireland and of Jamaica, Lords &ca. has by His Letters Patent February the 24th 1738, in the 12th year of His Reign, granted full Power and Authorty to John Guttery and Francis Sadler Esqrs. to negotiate and finally conclude a Treaty of peace and Friendship with the aforesaid Capt. Cudjoe, the rest of His Captains, Adherents and others His Men; They mutually, sincerely, and amicably have agreed to the following Articles.
1st. The Hostillity shall cease on both sides for ever.
2d. That the said Capt. Cudjoe, the rest of His Captains [img. 660, p. 60, verso] Adherents and Men, shall be for ever hereafter in a perfect state of freedom and Liberty, excepting those who have been taken by or fled to Them within two years last past, if such are willing to return to Their said Masters and Owners with full pardon and Indemnity from Their said Masters or Owners for what is pad; provided always that if They are not willing to return, They shall remain in subjection to Capt. Cudjoe, and in Friendship with us according to the form and Tenor of this Treaty.
3d. That They shall enjoy and possess for Themselves & Posterity for ever, all the lands Situate and lying between Trelawney Town and the Cock pitts to the amount of 1500 Acres bearing North West from the said Trelawney Town.
4. That They shall have liberty to plant the said land with Coffee, Cocoa, Ginger, Tobacco & Cotton and to breed Cattle, Hogs, Goats, or any other stock, and dispose of the produce or Increase of the said Commodities to the Inhabitants of this Island; provided always, that when They bring the said Custos, or any other Magistrate of the respective Parishes where They expose Their Goods, to sale, for a Licence to Vend the same.
5. The Capt. Cudjoe and all the Captains, Adherents and People now in subjection to Him, shall all live together within the bounds of Trelawney Town, and that They have liberty to hunt where They shall think fitt, except within 3 Miles of any Settlement, Crawl or Pen; provided always, that in Case the Hunters of Captain Cudjoe, and [img. 661, p. 98/61, recto] those of other Settlements meet, then the Hogs to be equally divided between both Parties.
6. That the said Capt. Cudjoe and His Successors do use Their Endeavours to take, kill, suppress or destroy either by Themselves or jointly with any other Number of Men, Commanded on that Service by His Excellency the Governour or Commander in Chief for the time being, all Rebells whatsoever They be throughout this Island, unless They submit to the same Terms of Accommodation to Capt. Cudjoe & His Successors.
7. That in case this Island be invaded by any foreign Enemy, the said Capt. Cudjoe and His Successors hereinafter names, or to be appointed, shall then upon Notice given immediately repair to any place the Governour for the time being shall appoint, in order to repel the said Invaders with His or Their utmost Force & to submit to the Orders of the Commander in Chief on that Occasion.
8. That if any White Man shall do any manner of, Injury to Capt. Cudjoe, His Successors or any of His or Their People, They shall apply to any Commanding Officer or Magistrate in the Neighbourhood for Justice, and in case Capt. Cudjoe or any of His People shall do any Injury to any White Person, He shall submit Himself, or deliver such offenders to Justice.
9. That if any Negroes shall hereafter runaway from Their Masters or Owners, and fall into Capt. Cudjoes Hands, They [img. 662, p. 62, verso] shall immediately be sent back to the chief Magistrates of the next Parish, where They are taken, and those that bring Them are to be satisfied for Their trouble, as the Legislature shall appoint.
10. That all Negroes taken since the raising of this Party by Capt. Cudjoe’s People shall immediately be returned.
11. That Capt. & His Successors shall wait on His Excellency, or the Commanders in Chief for the time being once every year if thereunto required.
12. That Capt. Cudjoe during His life, and the Captains succeeding Him, shall have full Power to inflict any Punishment They think proper for Crimes committed by Their Men among Themselves. Death only Excepted in which case if the Capt. thinks They deserve Death, He shall be obliged to bring Them before a Justice of Peace, who shall order proceedings on Their Trial equal to those of Free Negroes.
13. That Capt. Cudjoe with His People shall cut, cleave & keep open large and convenient Roads from Trelawney Town to Westmoreland and St. James, and if possible to St. Elizabeths.
14. That two White Men to be nominated by His Excellency or the Commander in Chief for the time being, shall constantly live and Reside with Capt. Cudjoe and His Successors, in order to maintain a friendly Correspondance with the Island.
That Capt. Cudjoe, during His life shall be chief Commander in Trelawney Town, after His Decease the Command to devolve on His Brother Acompong, and in Case of His Decease, on His next Brother Capt. Johny, and failing Him [img. 663, p. 99/63, recto] Capt. Cuffeoe shall succeed, who is to be succeeded by Capt. Quacow; and after all Their Demises, the Governour or Commander in Chief for the time being shall appoint from that time whom He shall think fitt for that command.
In Testimony of the above Presents They hereunto set Their Hands & Seals, the Day & Date above Written.
Capt. Cudjoe appears before the Governour & made His Submission
Capt. Cudjo acquaints all His Adherents with the Articles of the Treaty and Their Satisfaction therewith.
Capt. Cudjo’s Character & Power.
The Advantages of the Treaty; the uneasiness & dissatisfaction of the Negroe Slaves and Their Design to obtain the same Conditions
Colo. Gutherie impower’d to treat with the Windw? Gang, or to reduce Them
Capt. Cudjoes Brothers sent to Them with the same proposals.
Colo. Gutheries Death.
Suspitions of His being Poisoned.
The iminent Danger this Island was in of being Subverted.
The Prudent Regulation in the Setlement of those People in Distinct Bodies & under separate Chiefs.
The Necessity of having a Strict Eye over Them & preventing a Correspondance between Them and the Plantations Negs.
The Danger of Their multiplying and continuing a Distinct People.
Collo. Guttery immediately dispatched an Express to acquaint the Governour with these transactions who thereupon set out, and went to Collo. Barnetta in St. Anns, whose Plantation was within 20 Miles of the Negroe Town; where Capt. Cudjoe and other Commanders of the Rebells came to Him and made Their submission, and at the same time received the ratification of the Articles, which were Executed by Collo. Guttery and Lt. Sadler.
Capt. Cudjoe thereupon called the several Parties He had sent out to plunder the remote Plantations and acquainted the other Towns which were subordinate to Him of the Agreement He had made & required Their Acquiescence, whereupon an extraordinary satisfaction appeared among Them, especially when They foud the Governour and all the White People sincere, and resolved to comply with the Agreement. For the continual apprehensions They were under, the Fatiques They underwent, and the Tyranny of the Government They had Established, made Their lives miserable and almost insupportable.
[img. 664, p. 64, verso] Capt. Cudjoe is a Resolute sensible Fellow; and as His Power is absolute, He punishes Them severely for the least Transgression against the Laws & Customs among Themselves, one of which is that They shall not often Converse together in Companies or Bodies, to prevent Jealousies, which might tend to disunite Them.
They have hitherto strictly observed the Terms & Conditions prescribed by Them, and seem not only contented but pleased with Their present Circumstances. And as They have Covenanted not to harbour or Entertain any Fugitive for the future, but also to search for, apprehend and send Them to Their respective Masters, the advantage of Their submission soon began to appear; for many Negroes who frequently deserted and Concealed Themselves in the Mountains were immediately taken up by Them who were well acquainted with Their lurking Places. This proceeding and the Terms granted to the Rebells, greatly discontented the Plantation & House Negroes. They repined that Freedom & other Advantages should be granted to those Negroes who had first deserted Their Masters & committed Numberless Crimes, when They who had retained Their fidelity and had done great Services should continue all Their lives in a state of Servitude. Their Murmuring & dissatisfaction encreased to such a height, that They openly & insolently met several Nights, formed Themselves into Companies, named Commanders, and when any White Persons went among Them to reprove Their behaviour,
[img. 665, Inserted Page – different hand, marked 99 A]
[IW] wt.[?] into[?] that the Athiopieme[?] permished[?] in this manner: they did not part them to do wth, but sent in miniotia[?] do Justice, to command them to destroy their own Persons.
[img. 666, p. 100/65, recto] They were insulted, and obliged to retire, apprehending something worse might otherwise attend Them. But the Governour upon the first information He had of Their Caballs, sent a Troop of Horse one Night when They were Assembled as usual, and before They had perfected Their scheme, and seized most of Them some of the Ring leaders were Executed, and many of the others Transported to other Countries.
A Treaty being this happily concluded with the Leeward Rebells and other Negroes timely suppressed it was consider’d what measures were proper to be taken to induce the other Gang in St. Georges who were more considerable in Number, to accept of the same Conditions or to reduce Them by force; and Collo. Guttery who had succeeded so well in the last Expedition was thought the properest Person to conduct the same. But it was with some Reluctance He accepted of this Commission because those Rebells were seated in a distant part of the Country which He was not acquainted with, nor with the Neighbours and others who were to be employed on that Service. However, as He was desirous of Manifesting on all occasions. His Zeal for the Publick Utility, He was prevailed on to accept of it, and Lt. Collo. Bennet of St. Katherine was appointed to Command under Him.
Capt. Cudjoe being obliged by the Treaty to engage Them to accept of The Terms & Conditions which were granted to Him and His followers, or to assist in reducing Them [img. 667, p. 66, verso] sent one of His Brothers, who is a captain with 50 Men for that purpose. And some others of Their Chief Men were prevailed with to go with Collo. Guttery as Guides, and to be sent with proposals to the Rebells.
But the day after His departure from Spanish Town He was seized with a griping pain in His bowels, however, He continued His Journey and reached Dr. Stuarts Plantation, in St. Georges, where the several detachments which were to compose the Grand Party, was to Rendevous. There His disorder Encreased and terminated in a Bloody flux, which bafled all the Endeavours that were used for His Relief, and carried Him off in 3 or 4 days.
This was the End of that worthy Gentleman who fell a sacrifice to the resentment of the discontented Negroes, for the signal Service He had done the Island; since it cannot be doubted but They found means to poison Him. For when They found He was going to reduce the Windward Rebells, as He had done those to Leeward They were in the utmost despair, especially those who deserted and had been brought to Their Masters by Capt. Cudjo’s Gang, pursuant to Their agreement. He had this affair so much at Heart that in the intervalls of His pain, He sent out some of Capt. Cudjoes Men, who were acquainted with the Rebells, and where They were setled, to acquaint Them with the Terms they had accepted of, and to invite Them to submit on the same Conditions. They at the same time assured Them of strict Justice, and a punctual Compliance with the Articles; upon [img. 668, p. 101/69, recto] which some of Their Chiefs came down to Lt. Collo. Bennett on whom the Command devolved, submitted Themselves and agreed to the same Conditions which were granted to the others.
Thus was this Island delivered from the danger which was impending so many years from an intestine Enemy, who threatened no less than the extirpation of the White Inhabitants (had not this Treaty been happily concluded with Them) especially at so Critical a juncture when wee were on the brink of War with Spain. For it has been lately discovered (as I am credibly informed) that the Inhabitants of Cuba held a Correspondance with Them, supplied Them with Ammunition & other necessaries, and were to have joined Them, in order to reduce the Island, and dispossess the English, and had that been done it is not to be supposed They would have submitted to be under the Spanish Government, but preserved the Independancy & possession of the Island without receiving Laws or impositions from any other Country or People.
The Settlement of Them in distinct Bodies, in distinct parts of the Country, and under the proper Chiefs, was certainly more advisable than to have brought Them all under the subjection of Capt. Cudjoe, or any other of Their Chief Men. Because They cannot now so readily Consult or Combine together upon any disagreement with the White People; nor so easily Unite in Case the Spirit of Rebellion should ever arise and spread among Them. On the Contrary, it will probably cause an Emulation between the two Societies which shall be the most usefull [img. 669, p. 68, verso] and Faithfull to the White People, to engage Their favour & Encouragemt.
However, it is necessary to have a strict Eye over Them to restrain as much as possible Their having any intercourse & Correspondence with the Plantation Negroes, or permitting Them to have any quantity of Powder & Arms. Care ought also to be taken that all just grievances be redressed without delay. That the Treaty be as faithfully observed on our Parts, as it has hitherto been by Them; and that no injury be done Them, nor any cause given Them of Umbrage or offence upon any Occasion.
But as it will be dangerous to allow Them to continue & Multiply as a distinct People, from the rest of the Island, all just & proper methods ought to be taken to induce Them & Their posterity to incorporate & mix with the other Inhabitants; to render Them usefull upon all Occasions; and prevent Their being noxious in any degree whatever. This may be done, by allowing & giving Them Encouragement to bring up Their Children to some laborious handicraft Trades, which will conduce towards Their incorporating Themselves & becoming at least, one and the same People with the rest of the Inhabitants of the Island. But this or such like Encouragement can be done only by Publick Law, which is well worth the Notice & Consideration of the Legislature.